SW Oregon History: Correspondence, 1856

SW Oregon History:

Selected Excerpts of Correspondence & Reports

Filed with the US Office of Indian Affairs, 1856

Compiled and Organized by Bob Zybach, 2007

The following list of excerpts regarding US handling and perspectives of the Rogue River Indian Wars were taken from official records of the US Office of Indian Affairs. These selections and index were made under contract to NW Maps Co., as background research for a long-term forest science project on USDI Bureau of Land Management lands in the Applegate River and Cow Creek subbasins in southwest Oregon. The primary research project has been headed by Michael Newton, College of Forestry, Oregon State University, since its inception nearly 30 years ago.

Most of the following selections were obtained in digital format via the online "Native American Documents Project" (NADP) on the California State University, San Marcos website: http://www.csusm.edu/nadp/. The NADP was started in 1992 by Professor E. A. Schwartz, who completed his doctoral research in 1991 on the topic of the Rogue River Indian Wars. All NADP excerpts include an active link to the project's homepage. The NADP recommended method of citing these resources are given here: http://www.csusm.edu/nadp/citation.htm

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Palmer to Commissioner, 9 January 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609 (excerpt), NADP Document D34.
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Office Superintendent Ind. Affrs.
Dayton Oregon Ty Jany 9. 1856

Sir,

Enclosed herewith is a copy of a letter to Major Genl Wool U.S.A. This communication sufficiently explains its object.

In accordance with my request an order was made out directing Capt. Smith commanding at Fort Lane to furnish the number of troops asked for. Hearing objections might be urged against their removal and other obstacles thrown in the way I determined to repair to those districts, and accordingly on the 13th Ultimo set out accompanied by John Flett as Interpreter and Willis Shaw as messenger. The trip to the Umpqua Reservation was performed through one of the severest storms that I have ever experienced in Oregon. We reached that point on the evening of the 17th where I found nearly three hundred Umpquas Calapooias Cow Creeks and Molallalas, now the charge of Theophilus Magruder Esq. who had been appointed by Mr Martin (designated by me as Local Agent who declined the appointment) and whose appointment had been approved by Agent Ambrose. The census for this camp gave 89 men, 133 women, 40 boys, and 37 girls, many of whom were suffering from sickness, probably induced by a change of diet, being confined to flour and fresh beef, and exposure.
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[...] were sick, all the chiefs of the bands embraced in the treaty of the 29th Nov 1854, signed this treaty and those two chiefs were willing to remove in the spring or when the streams and roads might be in a favorable state.

On the 22nd or 23rd proceeding to Roseburg, I purchased a few goods to supply the most pressing wants of those Indians.

In the mean time the snow had commenced falling, and on the 24th it was eleven inches deep and the weather exceedingly cold, with a prospect of remaining so for some time.

Mr. Metcalfe had previously been dispatched to Rogue River and on the 22nd returned and joined me at Roseburg. The inclemency of the weather and bad condition of the roads induced Mr Ambrose and Mr Metcalf to recommend the continuance of the Fort Lane Encampment until spring. Mr Metcalf is left in charge of the Umpqua Encampment with instruction (see paper "A") to remove them at the earliest possible moment.

Three men, two women and four children were being taken to the Reservation on the 28th the day on which I set out on my return. These people belonged to the Cow Creek and Looking Glass Prairie Bands, and were of the party in the latter place at the time the first attack was made upon the Indian village at that point by the whites, & who escaped to the mountains.

The head chief of the Molallalas expected to gather
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[...] Indians on their removal and render the Agent such assistance as might be required; but whether this order will be observed I am unable to determine as the scanty supply offerrage would hardly warrant their remaining so long in that vicinity.

The excitement among the people of this valley has greatly subsided. The settlers in the immediate vicinity of the contemplated encampment cease to oppose the movement and many urge its propriety and prep its immediant consumation. I feel quite well satisfied that by the time these Indians approach the neighborhood said to be the most hostile, no opposition will be offered to their progress. Should I however find it to be otherwise I will call upon Gen Wool for such a military escort as will awe lawless persons and enable those friendly and peaceable bands to reach in safety, their destined encampment.

In another communication will be transmitted the treaty to which I have already referred. The last clause of Article third, contemplated that in the event the President disapproved of the Coast Reservation as a home for these people, they may after the restoration of peace, be allowed to return to the Umpqua Reservation or elsewhere as may be directed.

The expenses of collecting and subsisting the
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Indians at the various encampments in this Superintnedency have long since absorbed all the funds in my hands applicable to such purposes. This class of accounts has thus far been carried under the appropriation for "Adjusting Difficulties and Preventing Outbreak."

The Indians claim and with much reason, that this expenditure ought not to be taken from their annuities, as the necessity for such expenditures was no fault of theirs. I have previously suggested amounts required to enable me to maintain peace with the Tribes in Middle Oregon, along the coast, and on Table Rock Reservation, presuming at that date – Oct 9th – that the Tribes in this and Umpqua Valley would be able to subsist themselves with comparatively little assistance.

But the excitement immediately following, rendering necessary their collection and subsistence, calls for an immediate remittance.

I am of the opinion that a sum of less than fifty thousand dollars to be placed at the disposal of this superintendency to meet the expenditures connected with the removal and subsistence of Indian Tribes and to "Adjust Difficulities and Prevent Outbreaks" already expended and likely to be called for before the close of these disturbances will be required and should they continue long that sum will be insufficient [...]

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Palmer to Commissioner, 27 April 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609 (excerpt), NADP Document D36.
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The Claim of James Bruce (No 19.) – $675. for one hundred and fifty bushels of wheat, alleged to have been stolen by the "Jake's" Band of Rogue River Indians, is regarded by me as having been forfeited even if the fact of the theft be substantiated. In November 1854, whilst at Rogue River, Mr. Bruce complained to me that the Indians had stolen his wheat; I informed him that, by submitting his claim, properly authentiated, it would be acted upon in accordance with the 17th Section of the Intercourse Act of 1834, but no such claim was presented and the matter rested. On the 8th or 9th of October last I am informed Mr. Bruce was one of a party of armed men, under the Command of Mr. Lupton, who attacked this same "Jake's" band of Indians whilst on their way to the Reservation near Table Rock and Killed between twenty and thirty men, women and children. –

Notwithstanding he states under oath, on the 15th of December, that "he has never taken any personal revenge."

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Curry to Palmer, 23 June 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609, NADP Document D37.
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Copy.
Portland, June 23rd. 1856
Gen. Joel Palmer
Supt. Ind. Affairs

Dear Sir:

I am about to leave the territory for the purpose of visiting Washington City. It will be my duty as it will be my pleasure to meet any and all issues that may come up there growing out of our pending Indian difficulties, wherein the good name of Oregon shall be called in question – In a word, to hold myself accountable for my official acts. For long years we have been upon the friendliest terms. Your correspondence with General Wool indicates an unkind feeling on your part towards our people – at once assails their reputatuion and strikes at the interests of the Territory in the present Indian War. It would be extremely fanciful for me to break up our existing friendly relations, but you must easily perceive the natural result. At Washington I shall have to strike at all who are any way against us. In our last interview
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you led me to believe that your language in your letters to General Wool went further than you had intended, and that you regretted that fact. My desire now is that over your official signature you will so state to the Indian Department at Washington, and relieve me from the unhappy duty of placing myself in a hostile attitude, officially, towards an old and esteemed friend.

Be pleased to address me at Washington City under cover to Gen. Lane, as soon as practicable.

I am very respectfully
Your Obedient Serv't
(Signed) Geo. L. Curry

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Palmer to Curry, 8 August, 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609 (excerpt), NADP Document D39.
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Portland, Oregon Territory
August 8th 1856
To
His Excy. George L. Curry
Governor of Oregon Ter.
(now at Washington City, D.C.)

Dear Sir:

I must plead official duties for this delay to answer your letter under date of 23rd June, addressed to me on the eve of your departure for Washington City. That letter is not, now before me, and I cannot recollect its precise language; the impression left upon my mind in perusing it is, however, indelibly fixed. If I remember rightly it commences by expressing regrets that anything should have occured to destroy the friendly and neighborly feeling so long existing between us, and informing me, that my official correspondence with General Wool evinsed a disposition on my part to do injustice to the people of Oregon &c. and, goes on to advise me, that it would be your duty and pleasure to oppose, at Washington, all persons who might be against you.

This, of course, is not the language, but modified in mild terms, yet, giving me distinctly to understand that I might expect to find in you one who would sacrifice me, or any other person, if deemed necessary to
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forth some of those causes, and whilst its language might be regarded as unmerited, or improper if applied to a whole community, was none too strong when applied to that class of persons for whom it was intended. That subsequent events have verified the predictions, therein contained no sane man can deny. There is not one sentence contained in that letter that I wish to recall, because the facts have stamped its truthfulness; but in saying this, I did not, nor do I wish to apply it to the entire community, but I say that the war in Southern Oregon has been provoked by a set of lawless vagabonds who alike disregard the rights of Indians and Whites. This is not a general or wholesale charge against all the people of Southern Oregon, nor does it imply opposition to the prosecution of the war by Volunteer forces, or opposing the speedy appropriation by Congress, to pay the expenses consequent upon it, for, as in my official correspondence to the Indian Department, I have stated that it was too late to speculate as to the causes of the War; it was enough to know that it was upon us, and that our women and children were being slaughtered by these ruthless savages: Who could have imagined that in pointing out to the Commanding Officer some of the cause of this war, and the necessity for furnishing troops to remove the friendly bands from the proximity of hostile tribes would have been seized hold
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[...] red man; and the cunning, the violation of faith, the treachery and savage brutality said to be the characeristics of that people, have been practiced towards them, to a degree almost inconceivably, by the reckless portion of whites who have cursed that land with their presence the past six years. By this I by no means intend to disparage the worthy and just people of that portion of the territory, for there are many such there, and many of whom are ignorant of what is going on around them, others decieved by false representaions, gotten up for the occasion, and, not a few are awed into submission by the numerous class who are eating out the very substance and life of that Community.

The greater portion of the people of this Territory hear but one side of these questions -- as they generaly derive their information from interested parties: my official duties have thrown me in conflict with this latter class of population and, whilst I have mourned over that state of affairs, and sought to evate the disasters consequent, I have endeavored to leave the community to purge itself rather than take any steps which could only end in defeat and tend to exasperate to additional extremes. A communty unable through its judicial tribunals, on account of chicanery and management, to rid itself of a portion of its most obnoxious members
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for offences against its own citizens, would not be likely through the same source, to extend its aid to federal officers in ridding it of similar persons when charged with offences against Indians. Very many politicians charge me with slandering the people of the South, can any man be so ignorant of events in that section of the country as not to know that there has been an enormous amount of crime committed there within the last few years theft robbery murder and the whole catalogue of crime, not only against Indians but against white people, has prevailed to an alarming extent and who has sought to remedy this growing evil? Who has been punished? Several arrests have been made for the crime of murder, but by 'management' the parties have been turned loose to prey upon the community and commit similar offences. Crime will not cease there when the entire Indian population shall be removed. It is claimed that in Jackson County, on conviction of the killing an Indian punishment has followed the perpetration of the act – I have heard of but that one conviction and that one an orphan boy who encouraged by the acts of those around him shot an Indian. An orphan friendless and penniless, he alone, of all the offenders in that country must suffer the penalty! Who does not believe that, had he been a prominant citizen and backed up with means, the Court would have as in other cases in that District set a few days in empanelling a jury until one was "packed" that would have requitted him. But no!! he had no friends, no purse to empty, and he was sentenced to two years in the Penitentiary. It is not the settler and law abiding people to which I refer in my letters, but the scum of society who
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have congregated there to eat out the substance of the better portion of those people; but `scum' as it is, politicians federal and Territorial officers and aspirants curry favor with and pamper to its viciousness and demoralization instead of meeting it boldly and manfully, and aiding to purge the community of its pestisential influence: One half the zeal manifested by public men in this Territory in the denunciations of their neighbors and elevation of favorites to office would have been quite sufficient to change the current popular feeling into a right course, by riding and encouraging the real bona-fide settler and good citizen to maintain the laws and restore the country to security and peace. It is that class of persons whom I charge with reckless and lawless acts and so long as politicians seek to throw odium upon, and trample under foot those who would rid the community of such men so long we merit the reproach and appeltation of a lawless community.

My official acts as Superintendant of Indian Affairs are nearly closed, for I am, tho' not as yet officially informed, removed, from the office, but this does not lessen the interest I feel in the welfare of a people for whom I have been laboring, and I hope my successor may be more successful in his efforts to accomplish good for them and insure the interests of this community generally. Whilst I have been zealous to promote the good of the Indian, and carry out fully my instructions I have by no means, been unmindful of my obligations as a citizen, and have acted in all things as it appeared to me best suited to secure the lives and property of our citizens restore and maintain peace, advance the Indian in civilization and subserve the cause of humanity. In leaving the office it is a consolation to feel and know that
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fact, of an Official doing what his duties required of him. As before remarked there have been many acts committed by members of volunteer companies which I disapprove but the expression of that sentiment is not to be construed as being in opposition to Governor Curry's policy generally, and has nothing to do with the payment of these war expenses, nor can it reasonably be perverted into a constinction that I stood antagonistical to the interests of the people of Oregon.

It appears to me a weak argument that because the first act of aggression in Southern Oregon was committed by a white man which provoked this war – hundreds of our citizens should be butchered by the savages, and whole neighborhoods cut off and destroyed without an effort to punish the aggression, or restrain their further acts, and that Congress therefore, ought not to pay the expenses necessarily incurred; None but weak minded, selfish men entertain such views. It needs no distortion of truth, nor the disgrace or victimizing of any public office to establish the existence of a war between a portion of the Indian tribes, and the white settlers in Oregon and Washington Territories; nor will it be difficult to convince Congress of the necessity that existed for calling volunteer forces into the field, or of the equitable claim of our citizens upon the General Government for payment of the proper and legitimate expenses of the war; but the distorted imagination of Political demagogues and aspirants have seized hold of every act and movement in order to wield an influence which may turn to their favor, and thus many of our citizens who should, and doubtless would but for this influence have need [...]

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Beeson to True Californian, 12 August 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609, NADP Document D40.
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Fair Play
WHAT CHEER HOUSE, SAN FRANCISCO,
August 12, 1856

EDITORS TRUE CALIFORNIAN:

In reading the papers brought by the last steamer from Oregon, I could not but remark the great injustice done to two worthy officials of the general government, as well as to those of our citizens who sympathize with their views.

One paper declares that the dismission of Gen. Palmer from the Indian Superintendency is "good news to the people of Oregon, for he had done them more harm than the Indians, by his falsehoods and aspersions."

Another paper represents the people of Oregon as having been between two fires, "the Indians on one side and Gen. Wool on the other."

These are serious charges, and as there is not to my knowledge any writer in Oregon or California who has written a word in explanation or defence, and as I have lived in the midst of the scenes of war in Southern Oregon from its commencement, I desire to make the following statements. I make them as the result of earnest observation of the parties concerned, and of deep, deliberate conviction of their truth. I am prepared to say that the reports of Gen. Palmer, in regard to the origin of the war, are not falsehoods, are not aspersions, but true to the letter.

And, morever, his action in collecting the scattered tribes upon the reserve, for which he was so bitterly opposed, was in accordance with honor, with the highest dictates of humanity, and official duty. And as he performed this service under a high sence of conscious right, and benevolent impulses in the face of popular prejudice, of threatening and danger, he deserves honor and esteem for his heroism and integrity, instead of dismission and calumny. And I am assured this assertion will be sustained by hundreds of intelligent citizens whose views he has carried out, but whose sentiments have not been abroad through the Press.
And as to the veteran Major General Wool, what is his fault, that there should be such torrents of denunciation and not a word from any quarter in his defence. The legislative House of Oregon and the Governor of the territory have done their utmost to dishonor him before the nation by representations of defective judgment, and inefficiency in the station he holds; a multitude of men whose pecuniary interests are at stake, headed by a Press united against him. Surely against such a power, and in the absence of any supporting aid, a man, under ordinary circumstances, would be crushed to death. But as the General is sustained apparently without help, I propose to show the reason. Doubtless his age, his patriotism, his tried skill and courage, weighs well in his favor; but these altogether could not sustain him against the overwhelming force of numbers, provided they had sufficient reason for their charge. But the fact is, they have nothing to stand upon that will bear the light of reason and truth, and the Governors and others, who are justly responsible, may well tremble in view of what history may someday expose to public gaze in relation to the origin and conduct to the present war.

I do not wish, Messrs. Editors, to spin out a long letter of details; it is enough to say that intelligent men, whose knowledge of facts entitles their testimony to respect, declare the war to be unnecessary, and therefore unjust; that it was commenced by the cruel aggressions and robbery of the Indians by the same class of men who get into office by perjury and fraud, in order the more easily to rob their fellows. The Indians were treated in such a manner, by these men, and having no press, no pleaders, and no "Vigilance Committees" to guard their interests, they had but one alternative, to combine for self protection or be cut off like helpless brutes.

I speak more particularly of Southern Oregon, when I say that for months previous to the open outbreak, the chiefs had complained again and again of their grievances. They asked most piteously, "Why do the Bostons want to shoot us?" "We do not want war, but peace and protection." On one occasion, when assembled at Fort Lane, they desired the document upon which the treaty was written, might be read aloud, and, as sentence after sentence was uttered, they appealed to those present, and repeatedly asked, Have we not kept that -- have we not kept that? and so on to the end of every article. At the same time, whites were shooting them with impunity whenever they had an opportunity. So many were cut off in this way, that old Chief John refused to make treaty, because, (said he,) "I had more men killed during peace than war;" and yet, when in retaliation, a white man was killed, it was published abroad as savage outrage, for which they ought to be exterminated. And scores of men, in the summer of '55, went from Northern California, openly declaring their intention to make war upon the Indians, on their way to the new mines in Northern Oregon.

But the sub-agents and the civil authorities assumed as though the Indians only were guilty, and they alone should be "chastised," (i.e. killed;) and the Governor forthwith called the people to arms, and thus the law and peace-loving citizens, being surrounded and overwhelmed with the horrors of war, were obliged to participate, as a matter of self-defence.

Under these circumstances, is it any wonder that General Wool should demur at engaging the National forces in a war against a people pleading for mercy and protection; in a war brought about by blacklegs and rowdies. For, let it be known, there was no time during the winter, but the Indians were anxious for peace, and could they have had assurance of protection, gladly would they have made treaty; but the volunteers threatened a general massacre, if treaty was made; they protracted the war for months, on prentence that the Indians must be whipped.

It is morally certain that if Governor Curry, (and I believe the same may be said of Gov. Stevens and the Northern war,) had exercised his legitimate functions in the preservation of peace, instead of going out and beyond his sphere for other purposes, there would have been no Southern Oregon war, and all this misery, blood and treasure might have been saved.

The very idea of soldiers, who engage in warfare with honorable motives of patriotism and defence of country, to be degraded in the perpetration of a destructive war, without necessity; a war with no noble object in view; in which success was no profit, and victory no honor, is repulsive and humiliating in the extreme.

And Gen. Wool deserves, and will ultimately receive full credit for the manner in which he has at once maintained his own dignity and the National honor.

Respectfully yours,
John Beeson

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Palmer to Commissioner of Affairs, 20 September 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609, NADP Document D41.
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Office Superintendent Indn. Affr.
Oregon City, O. T. 20th Septr. 1856

We, the undersigned, Joel Palmer, and Ephraim Palmer, of Dayton, Oregon Territory, Agree, jointly and severally, to do the work hereinafter mentioned for the compensation specified, in the Seletz Valley, on the Coast Reservation, for the benefit of the Indian Department of the United States, and by advice and direction of A. F. Hedges, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon Territory.

To wit:

To plow and put in Three hundred (300) acres of winter wheat, at Twelve ($12) dollars per acre – furnishing all the requisite material for the same.

To make rails and fence the same with a six-rail fence, staked and double ridered, for five ($5) dollars per One hundred rails and stakes.

To erect one Log. or Splitboard Dwelling house, with the requisite Doors, Windows, Chimneys &c. Sixteen by thirty (16 x 30) feet, two rooms for five hundred ($500) dollars.

To erect one Blacksmiths Shop, build Forge, put in Anvil block, Vise
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Bench and Doors for Two hundred ($200) Dollars.

To transport a set of Blacksmiths Tools, and set them up in the shop, for One hundred and fifty ($150) dollars.

To burn five hundred bushels of charcoal and house the same, at Twenty (20c,) per bushel.

All the work herein specified to be executed in a workmanlike manner, and to be completed by the 1st day of Feb. 1857.

The said Superintendent Agrees on his part to pay in Cash at the prices herein before set forth, the amount for each class of work so soon as the same shall be completed. And for the planning and putting in wheat payment to be made upon the completion of each one hundred acres.

Witness our hand, and seal, the date and place first above written
(Done in triplicate.)
Joel Palmer
In presence of [...]

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Beeson to Editor, New York Tribune, 30 September 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609, NADP Document D43.
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DIFFICULTIES IN OREGON
To the Editor of the N.Y. Tribune.

Sir:

Will you permit me to occupy a small portion of your columns with a brief personal narrative of occurrences growing out of the Oregon war. I belong to the small minority in Oregon who believe with Generals Wool and Palmer, that the late war was unnecessary and cruel in the extreme, and that all the burning of property, the destruction of life and expenditure of public treasure, would have been saved if the civil authorities had administered equal justice instead of calling the people to arms. I have lived since the Fall of 1853 in Rogue River Valley, Southern Oregon, situated between the head waters of the Sacramento and the Willamette Valleys, and have had an opportunity of knowing much of the Indian tribes, both on the plains as well as the Pacific Coast. Notwithstanding the heartrending statements of savage barbarity which the Oregon papers have constantly spread before the public, it is a fact there are far more murdered Indians than Indian murderers; and when the whole truth is known, I believe it will appear that Indians are less savage than some who assume to be civilized.

Often as I have looked upon these people, dwelling in small communities in the shady grove or along the lipid stream, bountifully supplied with fish and roots and berries for subsistence, and apparantely happy in the relationship of family and friends, the conviction was forced upon me that they were living as much in harmony with the beautiful surroundings as their more toiling and anxious brethren of another race. I could not perceive wherein they were not equally with us endowed by their Creator with the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of haappiness. And after they were driven from their pleasant homes, and their domains usurped by invaders, I never saw anything in their condition or conduct but what aroused my deepest sympathy and commiseration. To have submitted to robbery and outrage of the gravest kind without resentment would be more than Christian; to have remained passive and indifferent would be less than Men.

I do not see under the circumstances how they could have done different or better than they have done, for practically they have only exclaimed with our own noble sires, "Give us liberty or give us death." And for this they have been denounced as not only savages, but as "varments" and demons unfit to live, and the military force of two Territories has been drawn out to destroy them from the earth.

Under the deep conviction of duty, I never failed, from my arrival in to my departure from the valley, to declaim against the great wrong our people were doing. And, though many good citizens privately told me of similar convictions; yet I know of none in whom it was strong enough to prompt open expression. I write of this not with vain boast, but with the mingled feeling of deep regret and lively joy. Regret that so many of my neighbors and friends should cower in base subjection, to speculators and rowdies, and yield their constitutional right to freedom of speech. Joy, because my life is spared, contrary to my own expectation and the predictions of my friends and foes, who said I should fall by an assassin.

All the papers in the Territory were closed against me, yet they were unsparing in denunciation, and letters which I sent to the Post Office for the California papers, were not allowed to pass, but were opened in Jacksonville, so that when I arrived in San Francisco not one had been published. At length a letter, or the substance of one which I had written, appeared among them in THE N.Y. TRIBUNE of April 5. This brought matters to a climax. Indignation meetings were got up and the writer denounced in the strongest language, and not a tongue dare move in his defense. Having been privately informed of what was intended, I fled in the darkness of night to Fort Lane, and was, by an escort of United States troops, conveyed beyond the scene of excitement. I arrived by the steamer Illinois last Saturday, and am pleased to find myself, though among strangers, in your city.

JOHN BEESON

New York, Sept. 30, 1856.

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Beeson to Editor, 8 October 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609, NADP Document D45.
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OREGON WAR
Review of Agent Metcalf's Letter of Defence

MR EDITOR:

In a late Oregon Statesman, there is a letter from R.B. Metcalf, whom the editor in a note informs us is a "gentleman of character and honor, kinsman of ex-Governor Metcalf, of Kentucky, and Indian Agent for Southern Oregon."

The letter purports to be written in defence of the people against certain statements going the rounds to their prejudice, and is mainly occupied with proof to show, that the Indians under Old Chief "John," were agressors in the war.

I am somewhat acquainted with the circumstances, and believing that the Indians as well as the worthy citizens of Southern Oregon, have been greatly injured by such a perversion of facts as Mr. Metcalf's letter contains. I am induced to offer the following by way of correction.

I will not charge Mr. Metcalf with falsehood, but for arguments sake, admit, all that he has said about the Chiefs urging the tribes to combine for war. Yet I must observe, and I believe every high-minded citizen will agree with me, how unfair to give such a one-sided account against a venerable Chief, and against a people who could not write a refutation of falsehood.

Why did not Mr. Metcalf, in his account of the origin of the war, tell of the doings of both parties – how a white wretch shot the husband of the Chief's daughter, because he would not give her up to his lust? How his own son was kept in irons for weeks on a charge believed to be false, and, after a fair trail, was dismissed by the authorities, but taken by the lawless and cruelly put to death, and how that numbers of men made it a point for months previous to open war; to shoot Indians wherever they could do it with safety to themselves; and that the Chiefs made complaints again, and again, but could get neither redress or protection; that not a house was burned, or a woman or child injured by Indians until after their homes were burnt and their families destroyed.

Why, I ask, does Mr. Metcalf keep these facts out of sight, to the prejudice of those whose interest he is bound by office and honor to protect.

Mr. Metcalf knows well that, before the Indians committed any of these outrages, an organized band of men made an attack with the avowed purpose of killing every Indian in the valley, regardless of age or sex; and that this murderous work was commenced in earnest on the morning of Oct. 8th, 1855, when three ranches were burnt over, and thirty of their inmates put to death, fourteen of whom were women and children, – and this was done subsequent to an assurance, (a day or two previous) of peace and protection, in order the more easily to effect their destruction.

About the same time, many were killed in different parts of the valley, and Capt. Smith was threatened with an overwhelming assult by the volunteers, if he opened the fort for their protection, so that the Indians had no alternative but to fight for life, or be killed like brutes.

But Mr. Metcalf defends the killing of women and children, by saying, that, in battle, they crowd together, and it can't be helped. He forgets that, at first, it was deliberately intended to kill ALL. But suppose this was not the case: how will he explain the circumstances of those three Indian women, who had taken refuge on the top of Table Rock, being shot, and their bodies falling over the cragged rocks, down the steep precipice below. The sight of these mangled victims as they lay writhing in agony, was so shocking that it was reported that they were scared and fell down; but Dr. Ambroze, who lived in the vicinity, informed me that they did not fall, until they were fired upon.

And how will he explain the circumstance of Rice's company going to the relief of Bruce and capturing two women and an infant, who, as the volunteers report, were clubbed to death, the child's brains dashed out against a tree, in retaliation for which the papers state that the Indians put to death two white captive females.

If it had been true that the editor of the Statesman had not published the fact that Mr. Metcalf has such high connections, and moreover is a "gentleman of honor and character," we, the citizens of Southern Oregon, should have some misgivings on that point, for everybody who has read the papers, knows that it is not the custom of the women and children to crowd in conflict, but to fly for refuge. The warriors alone face their assailants, and moreover, from the mode of attack, generally adopted, of creeping in the dark, or, as at the meadows, approaching under cover of a dense cloud, and pouring their deadly fire on the unsuspecting families, the killing of women and children would be evidence of design, not chance.

I could write much more of these painful details, but enough is presented to show the wrong position which agent Metcalf has assumed, and the injustice he has endeavored to inflict upon a people who, to say the least, are blamed and punished for more than they deserve.

I assure you, Mr. Editor, it is with disappointment and deep regret, that I read Mr. Metcalf's letter, and that I pen this review, for from his reputation as a gentleman, it was hoped the poor outcasts had in him a friend, not only because of his office, but because of his alliance by love and parentage, it was thought the tender associations of family and kin would secure from him a just regard for their rights, especially as it was generally reported that he is a kind man and an affectionate father, unlike those monsters who treat their Indian offspring like brutes. He acknowledges the relationship, and cares for their culture. Why does not Mr. Metcalf use his official power in its application on behalf of the people of his charge? Why does he allow them to be deprived of these rights "without due process of law."

I suppose, Mr. Editor, you are ready to inquire, Are there no good citizens in Southern Oregon, no lovers of truth and justice? I answer yes; as many in proportion as you have in your city, but the press, and the power are in the hands of the enemy, and until the Indians have a "Vigilance Committee" to guard their interest, and honest thought a free expression, and good men rule the people, Oregon, like California, will groan under accumulated curses.

But there is hope; light is springing up, and the eyes of many are opening, and ere long we believe the son of righteousness will shine over all the land.

Respectfully yours,
John Beeson

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Beeson to Manypenny, 8 October, 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 609, NADP Document D44.
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N.Y. October 8, 1856

Sir

I trust I shall not be deemed instrusive in addressing you, the Peculiarity of my position is my appology. Having lived for the last three years in Rogue River Valley, Southern Oregon, and being familiar with much of the Oregon & history of the Indian War, and knowing the great wrong our people were doing, I fully sympathized with Generals Wool & Palmer, And failed not in my efforts to bring about a different course, but the public hear, & the Press in the Territory, were closed against reproof. And because I wrote letters to Eastern Papers stating acknowledged Facts, hoping thereby to stay the outrages. Indignation meetings were got up, and my life threatened.

I fled on the Night of the 26th of Last May to Fort Lane for safety, and was escorted by the U.S. troops to a place of safety. I called upon several of the Editors in the Territory to remonstrate against their reckless course in urgeing a war of extermination, when really was no Occasion for War at All.

I also published an Address to the Citizens of Oregon, as well as Several letters in behalf of Justice & Mercy towards the Indians.

For the fact is, this war, has grown out of the Selfish propensities of the Whites, for worse then the bad conduct of the Indians, and therefore my
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feelings of Patriotism, & convictions of right impeld me to Sustain a moral war, against moral wrongs. For we had abounding evidence that notwithstand the execelent instructions furnished from the Commissioner of the Indian department to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, they could not be propperly carried out with a local population wholly opposed. the concequence is [illegible] Embarissment, Loss & Wide Spread Mesiry.

To stop this mischief and to prevent similar recurrence, I have written many private letters and Public appeals through the Press having obtained the use of one Paper in the Wallemette for which I paid a Good Riding horse & Equipments and had extra copy's Circulated Gratitiously. I also staid in San Francisco several weeks purposely to Enlist the influence of the Press in behalf of Justice & Right.

I arrived in this City 27 of June with less then $10 in my Pocket and a perfect stranger. Having been thus forced by circumstance into Public work to the great detriment of my domestic pecuniary interests as well as prostration of heat I respectfully submit weather I have not a claim for indemnity, and suport until I can safely return to my home. Which will hardly be until the war Claims are adjusted.

My course from the first was the spontanious [...]
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the most direct method to arrest evil. And I have the sattisfaction of believeing that much treasure and some lives were saved and the war brought to a spediar cloce. I have no letters of introduction because I asked for none, but I have two letters of Personal & private Nature from Gen. Wool And I believe the approbation of the Moral Sense of Oregon & Callifornia.

And I propose to furnish Facts and incidense of Indian Character and the Power of kindness untill Public Sentiment shall frown upon the multiplied wrongs to which the Indian Tribes are Subject.

If you should wish for further information corrobirative or Ilustrative of the Authorized Report in relation to the War, or the Wants and prospects of the Tribes, on the Reserve or Elsewhere. I think you could be furnished with the same. As besides myself there is now in this City a very inteligent Man, long a resident upon the coast and femeliar with matters of interest in that quarter.

There is also a Gentlemen who aided Gen. Palmer in collecting the Remnants and for two months taught the first school the poor Children were ever in his account of their progress is very interesting and I think the information he could communicate to the department would be usefull as a basis for future action.
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With this I send two or three scraps from California Papers meerly as evidence of the kind of articles I have Published. Also a N.Y. Tribune of September in is a brief Statement of the circumstances which Ocasioned the Murder of the Lamented Whitman Missionary to the Indians in '48. Please let me know whether the department will require any further reference as to credibelity or Charector. If so I will furnish any reasonable amount from Lasalle Co Ill. where I lived one Farm 22 years or to Numbers in Oregon & Callifornia I am now at a "Water Cure" in N.Y. incuring Debt for which I have no means at command to Pay.

Please address Cain of Fowler & Wells 308 Broad Way N.Y. and ablige Your Obedient Servt
John Beeson

To Mr. Manypenny
[illegible] Indian Department

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Metcalfe to Hedges, 12 December 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 610 (excerpt), NADP Document D49.
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Coast Station Dec 12th 1856

Dear Sir

On my arrival at the mouth of the Siletz I found the schooner lying on the beach –

her cargo had been taken above tide water and stacked where they supposed it would be safe and covered with the sails –

I put four men to work immediately to erect a log cabin for the cargo, but before they were ready to remove the flour, there came a heavy blow from the west and destroyed almost the entire cargo. There has not been, from appearance, such a surf for twenty years; Old Indian graves, with the canoes upon them which have remained until quite rotten, were swept off by the surf, and many of the Indian houses which were near the beach were swept away carrying whole families with them and destroying all of their clothing and supplies which they had put up for winter, but they fortunately escaped without loss of life though many were severely bruised and some had legs and arms broken –

The schooner was blown over the bar into the bay carrying away her masts –

all of her canvass was lost with the flour and nothing but the hull of the schooner remains –

how much it is injured I am not prepared to say –

the small boats together with my wagon were broken into splinters.
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I regard it impracticable to get flour to this station this winter and await your order for the removal of these Indians–

The condition of the road is such as will render it impossible to move whose who have large families to the Grand Ronde and if you can send a schooner to the Yaquinah I will remove a portion of them to the Selitz Agency where they can be supplied from the Yaquinah –

Very Respectfully
Your Obt Servt
R B Metcalfe
Ind Agent

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Hedges to Manypenny, 19 December 1856, in United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1880, National Archives Microcopy 234, Roll 610 (excerpt), NADP Document D48.
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Office Supt Ind Affairs
Oregon City Dec 19th 1856.

Sir

In letter of 20th November I referred to the fact that contractor B. Jenning'sSchooner "Calumet" would leave Portland in a few days for the mouth of Siletz River on Coast Reservation –

She did leave on that day with some thirty tons of flour, and other articles the precise description of which I am as yet uninformed of, the flour being on B Jennings contract of 10th September, and the articles ordered by Agent Metcalfefor use upon his Agency – On the 17th inst by Special Express from Agent Metcalfe I was informed that the schooner was wrecked at the mouth of the Siletz about the 8th inst, and the most of her cargo lost after it had been landed and received by the Agent, as will be seen by the extracts from Mr Metcalfe's letter which I send herewith – The attempt to land the cargo at the mouth of the Siletz was made at the urgent request of Mr Metcalfe and myself, we believing that a safe landing could be effected and feeling it to be very desirable to have the supplies there as being the most available point
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from which to transport to the Salmon or Nechesne River Station and also to the prairie country lying up on the Siletz River where it is proposed to locate the most of the Indians – But as the entrance of the Siletz is found impracticable we shall be obliged to make Yaquamah Bay the point of delivery and shall consequently have to abandon the Salmon River Station as it is impossible to transport supplies to it either from Yaqumah or from Grand Rond Reservation, in winter – The man who brought the express from Metcalfe came on foot to the Grand Rond Reservation, finding it impossible to travel in any other way – Contractor B Jenningshas lost his schooner for which he paid Five Thousand Dollars, in endeavour to comply satisfactorily with his contract which will cause him to lose considerable money by his contract – I regret that I induced him to try the Siletz, and I regret also that I have no funds to enable me to pay for the flour which he has delivered and is entitled to pay for under the contract –

The confidence of those Indians in our good intentions is much strengthened and confirmed by the strong effort they see us making [...]